From Kenya to Madagascar and Morocco, young people are using decentralised, tech-driven movements to transform protest into political power. In this blog post, Stellah Muthee, a conflict monitoring analyst based in South Africa shares insights from her work monitoring conflicts across the continent.
“These movements reflect a shared global moment, marked by the declining trust in institutions, persistent inequality, and a generation increasingly willing to challenge failing systems.”
Stellah Muthee
Protests have surged across the world in recent years. People are mobilising in response to governments that appear distant, unaccountable, and indifferent to widening inequality. Across Africa, this trend is increasingly visible. Gen Z are at the forefront using street protests and digital platforms to challenge unresponsive leadership and push for economic justice and institutional reform.
This has been evident in Kenya’s #RejectFinanceBill2024 movement against proposed fiscal reforms, in Madagascar, where unrest in late 2025 fuelled by political and economic grievances contributed to the president’s removal, and in Morocco where the grassroots movement Gen Z 212 also in late 2025 condemned chronic governance failures and misallocation of public funds.
Despite differing contexts, these movements reflect a shared global moment, marked by the declining trust in institutions, persistent inequality, and a generation increasingly willing to challenge failing systems.
Gen Z Protests in Africa
Sub-Saharan Africa is home to the world’s youngest population, with around 70 percent of its people under the age of 30 (United Nations). Africa has seen a wave of youth led protests of which some have resulted in the dissolution of governments. But in most cases authorities have responded with repression including curfews and imprisonment.
Although the root cause of protests may vary, a number of common trends are emerging. Grievances centre on a lack of basic services such as water, electricity, healthcare, education, and employment as well as demands for social justice, and the eradication of corruption. Gen Z are organising formal and informal movements, combining online activism with public demonstrations that challenge existing political systems and reshape national dialogues.
In response, many states have deployed security forces, conducted mass arrests, and used legal action to deter continued mobilisation. While these protests have successfully triggered significant political, social and policy shifts, they also reflect enduring generational pressure that is unlikely to disappear – a lasting transformation in how young people engage with the state and assert influence.
Kenya’s #RejectFinanceBill2024
In June 2024, the #RejectFinanceBill2024 Social Movement and #OccupyParliament protests took place in Nairobi, Kenya as thousands of young Kenyans took to the streets to oppose a proposed Finance bill that aimed to increase taxes.
The bill was widely rejected by citizens who argued that their taxes were already high and they had seen little visible improvement in public services or accountability on how tax revenues were being used. The protest was mobilised through social media platforms, including Tik Tok, X (formerly Twitter), Facebook and Instagram where protestors coordinated action demanding accountability and economic justice.
Their use of digital platforms for organising the protests reflects a defining Gen Z characteristic. Gen Z, unlike prior generations, are digital natives born into a technologically advanced world where information is quickly circulated, and real-time updates are easily available. Online spaces foster a feeling of solidarity for a common cause among Gen Z activists while smartphones become tools for digital evidence, with instances of excessive force by state police live streamed and shared on various social media platforms.
In what was seen as a sign of victory, the presidency (through the chairman of the parliamentary finance committee Mr Kuria Kimani), announced the scrapping of several of the proposed taxes shortly after the demonstrations. This included removing a 16 percent value-added tax on bread as well as taxes on cooking oil, mobile money services and motor vehicles. The government conceded that they had heard Kenyans’ outcry, and that the decision was taken to shield citizens from further rising costs of living.
However, this concession raises the question: to what extent is meaningful public participation conducted when new bills are initially introduced by governments?
The #RejectFinanceBill2024 social movement was not led by a single figure, a formal group or an organisation. This decentralised structure made it difficult for the state to co-opt its leadership and exert intimidation tactics such as imprisonment, which is commonly used to instill fear or discredit protest leaders. Instead, the movement was spread and sustained through the thousands of self-organised participants who used social media and other digital platforms to coordinate and act.
A key strength of the movement was its lack of affiliation with political parties or civil society organisations, which often fragment mobilisation along political, ethnic, religious, or ideological lines. This broad-based, leaderless structure fostered a strong sense of unity and collective ownership, signalling a new era of civic mobilisation in Kenya.
However, despite its impact, the movement was not without serious consequences. According to the Kenyan National Commission on Human Rights, the protests resulted in the deaths of 39 people, 361 were injured and 627 were arrested as of July 1st, 2024, alongside 32 reports of involuntary disappearances.
Gen Z Madagascar Movement
Youth-led protests erupted in Antananarivo, Madagascar’s capital, as demonstrators demanded sustained access to water and electricity in September 2025. What initially started as a call for basic services cascaded into a broader uprising over government corruption and poor governance. Again, Gen Z in Madagascar were a leading force in organising and sustaining the protests, using social media to mobilise participants and coordinate action.
Protestors focused on clear attainable demands for reliable and long-lasting access to water and electricity, an issue affecting a large portion of the Malagasy population, regardless of their political affiliation, ethnicity or social class. Although demonstrations started out peacefully, undue force was reportedly used by security forces, including tear gas and rubber bullets to disperse protestors. As night fell, this escalation caused the protests to deteriorate into violence, destruction and looting.
As protests continued, the government (in an effort to curb the escalating violence), imposed a curfew between 7pm and 5am in Antananarivo, Antsirabé, Antsiranana, Majunga, and Toliara. President Andry Rajoelin also announced the termination of the Minister of Energy, Olivier Jean-Baptiste. Despite these measures, the Gen Z Madagascar Movement called for further protests, which lasted for almost three weeks.
The unrest peaked on Sunday, 12 October 2025, when the President fled the country. In a national address the following day, he confirmed his departure was to protect his own life.
That same weekend, the Corps d’administration des personnels et des services administratifs et techniques (CAPSAT), an elite military unit, joined the protests and escorted protestors to the capital’s main square. This military unit had previously helped the now ousted President Rajoelin take power in a 2009 coup. This defection to support the protestors rather than the president, marked a critical turning point echoing the common adage which states “the way you get it is the same way you will lose it.”
This protest is the first instance on the African continent in which a government has been brought down through a Gen Z–led mobilisation. Although some may argue that CAPSAT played the decisive role and was responsible for what can be described as a coup, the Gen Z Madagascar Movement still was undeniably the catalyst. Once again, we see a leaderless movement that took full advantage of digital technologies to mobilise and grow organically through self-organisation and evade the state’s efforts to identify individual leaders or organisations.
Despite its success, these protests again came at a human cost. At least 22 Malagasy people were killed and more than 100 were injured. However, unlike other protests that resulted in widespread imprisonment, the September and October protests in Madagascar recorded no arrests. This could be potentially due to security forces siding with the protesters.
Morocco’s Gen Z 212
In September 2025, protests broke out across numerous cities in Morocco including the capital Rabat, as well as Agadir, Casablanca, Fez, Marrakech, Oujda, and Tangiers. Demonstrations also spread to peripheral areas such as Beni Mellal, Guelmim, Nador and Ouarzazate. These protests, organised under the banner Gen Z 212 condemned ongoing poor governance and what protestors described as strayed spending priorities by the Moroccan government.
The demonstrations were sparked by the government’s decision to allocate billions of dirhams to build new stadiums for the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations and 2030 World Cup while healthcare facilities and education institutions remain underfunded. Public anger intensified following the deaths of eight pregnant mothers in Hassan II regional hospital in the city of Agadir reportedly from complications or lack of proper medical care. Protestors argued that healthcare and education should be prioritised given their essential social functions as well as their roles in advancing Morocco’s development.
As in previous mobilisations, the Gen Z 212 had made use of social media with platforms such as Discord, TikTok, and Instagram to drive their message. The movement’s anonymous and decentralised structure has made it more difficult for authorities to suppress, in contrast to earlier protests – most notably the Hirak Rif movement of 2016 and 2017 – whose identifiable leaders were silenced and imprisoned.
Similar to the Gen Z Madagascar Movement, where protests initially started over access to water and electricity, before escalating into calls for anti-corruption, government accountability and even employment opportunities to improve quality of life, the Moroccan Gen Z 212 movement followed a comparable trajectory.
As was seen in Kenya and Madagascar, protestors were met with disproportionate force, with some protesters being drawn away while talking to the media and the use of live fire resulted in fatal injuries. These scenes that have been spread widely on social media are an unfortunate reflection of the restrictions of free speech and – a clear demonstration of how those in power often misuse Police forces to intimidate, censor and punish protestors.
Unlike the protests in Kenya and Madagascar, where governments responded with imposing curfews, the Gen Z 212 protests adopted a self-governed approach. After incidents of violence, protestors chose to reduce the amount of time spent protesting.
The Gen Z 212 protests also clearly articulated their demands and circulated a unified message on their various social media platforms. Their calls were for ‘free and universal quality education, accessible public healthcare services, employment opportunities and the removal of the Head of Government, Aziz Akhannouch’. Notably, their demands were not solely at the government but also directed to the monarchy or King Mohammed VI, the Head of State.
Although the government attempted to confer open dialogue, the Gen Z 212 movement declined this offer and maintained its position. It also declined engagement with civic groups and political organisations, repeatedly emphasising that the movement has no formal leadership. The Movement also called for the boycotting of companies associated with the Head of Government, Aziz Akhannouch.
Intimidation ultimately prevailed. Over 2,000 protestors were arrested during the Gen Z 212 protests and 17 people were sentenced to imprisonment for inciting unrest.
Following King Mohammed VI’s address on 10 October 2025, which did not reference the Gen Z 212 movement, the government announced adjustments to its fiscal priorities. The proposed 2026 national budget increased its funding for healthcare and education, by 16 percent from the previous budget, infrastructure projects linked to international sporting events including upgrades to the Ibn Batouta Stadium have continued.
How Gen Z are Creating Change in Kenya, Madagascar, and Morocco
A comparison of youth-led protests in Kenya, Madagascar, and Morocco cases reveals that while the immediate triggers for protests differ across contexts, they share a set of structural drivers, similar mobilisation strategies, and political outcomes that collectively define a new model of African civic resistance. Three key themes emerge from these movements: digital mobilisation as a tool of resistance, decentralised leadership as a strategy for resilience, and pragmatic demands as a marker of generational consciousness.
Despite their innovation and impact, these movements also expose the persistent tension between youthful empowerment and authoritarian resilience. Governments across all three countries have responded with a mixture of concession and coercion, scrapping proposed taxes in Kenya, reshuffling ministers in Madagascar, and announcing budget reforms in Morocco, while simultaneously employing excessive force, mass arrests, and censorship. This dual response illustrates both the potential and the vulnerability of youth-led activism in Africa: while it can compel policy reform, it also provokes violent backlash in political contexts where dissent remains criminalised.
Gen Z’s Activism and Generational Awakening
Across Africa, youth-led protests, particularly those driven by Gen Z, have emerged as a powerful force for political and social transformation. The cases of Kenya, Madagascar, and Morocco illustrate how this generation is reshaping civic engagement.
Together, these protests reveal that Africa’s youth are not passive observers but active participants in shaping their nations’ futures. Their leaderless, tech-savvy, and socially conscious approach has challenged traditional power structures and expanded the meaning of democratic participation. Yet, these movements also highlight the risks young Africans face, from state violence and censorship to arrests and intimidation. These places highlight the prominence of the ongoing struggle for freedom of expression and political inclusion. Ultimately, the rise of Gen Z activism across the continent signals a generational awakening, one that insists on accountability, fairness, and dignity. It is evident that Gen Z are reshaping what it means to demand change and practice citizenship in 21st-century Africa.
About Stellah Muthee
Stellah Muthee is a conflict monitoring analyst and researcher currently pursuing a Master’s degree in Criminology, focusing on organised crimes where she analysis the impact of cash-in-transit crimes on businesses in Gauteng, South Africa. She is also the founder of Conflict Monitoring Africa, a platform dedicated to tracking and visualising conflict trends across the continent through data-driven mapping and analysis. Her research interests include governance, activism, security, and conflict dynamics in Africa.
